Commentary
Is Revolution Possible in Canada?
Since the late 1890s the socialist
movement has been split on the issue of whether reform or revolution is the way
forward. The issue is usually not framed correctly, because the stated goal of
both sides in the debate is reform of society. The real issue is whether or not
reform of the capitalist system is possible or whether reform can only be
achieved through the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism and its replacement
with socialism.
Since the collapse of the Keynesian
social welfare state in the early 1980s and the adoption of neo-liberalism, an
increasing number of individuals who call themselves socialists have reached
the conclusion that capitalism cannot be reformed. The current financial and
economic crisis gripping the entire capitalist world has accelerated this
process and broadened the discussion about the necessity for socialism.
However, there is still a serious disconnect on the issue. When pressed, most
of those who agree that capitalism cannot be reformed also take the position
that an anti-capitalist, socialist revolution in Canada is impossible.
The rationale for the impossibility of
revolution in Canada is varied. Some claim that the Anglo-American capitalists
are very democratic. Others claim that the Canadian working class is too
affluent to opt for revolutionary change. Still others accept a theoretical
possibility of revolution, but raise objections to organizing revolutionary
organizations on the basis that the number of revolutionary socialists is too
small, that resources are too limited and that workers are not ready to take up
revolution. Regardless of the particular rationale, the conclusion is always
the same, that the revolutionary forces have no option but to put organizing
for revolution on a back burner and work for “achievable” reforms of the
capitalist system instead.
There are a number of flaws in this
logic, not the least of which is the illusion that the current situation is
more or less permanent. This reflects a poor understanding of the revolutionary
process. If one considers only the present state of affairs, then of course
revolution is impossible. Revolution is always an impossibility, not only in
Canada, but in any country, except during those infrequent periods in which
conditions converge to make it a possibility, when the capitalist system is in
crisis, the working people will no longer accept the status quo, the state is
incapable of responding effectively to mass struggles and, most importantly,
there is a revolutionary organization with the skill and experience to lead a
successful revolution.
It also reflects a poor grasp of
history. Revolutions break out when there is no longer a possibility of achieving
reforms. In order for reforms within the capitalist system to be a possibility
two conditions must exist. First, the capitalists must be in a position to
accept a reduction in their profits, which is possible only during periods of
reduced inter-monopoly competition. Such a period existed during the post-war
period when much of the world’s productive capacity had been destroyed by the
war. Those capitalists who came out on the winning side enjoyed a virtual
monopoly and realized super-profits, so they could afford to share a portion of
those profits without fear of being taken over by their competitors.
However, that situation, alone, is not
enough. There must also be a very good reason to compel the capitalists to make
such “sacrifices”. During the post-war period, such a reason did exist, namely
the existence of a socialist alternative and the constant fear of the
capitalists that, if they did not make concessions to the workers, the workers
may opt to overthrow them and establish socialism.
If both those conditions exist, then
there is a possibility for reforms within the capitalist system. However, if
one or the other condition does not exist, reform becomes increasingly
difficult, if not impossible. So, the question that must be addressed is
whether or not there is a possibility for reform of the system in Canada today.
The post-war boom in North America ended
in the mid-1970s, by which time the capitalists of Europe and Japan had
recovered from the devastation of the war and were once again competing
head-to-head with the North American capitalists. The average rate of capitalist
profit declined steadily for the next 10 to 15 years until neo-liberalism had
fully replaced Keynesian policies in the advanced capitalist countries. Then
the average rate of profit increased sharply on the basis of the impoverishment
of the vast majority of the world’s population. In 2007 the rate of profit
leveled off and again began to decline, throwing the entire capitalist world
into the deepest crisis since the Great Depression of the 1930s. Some of the
largest capitalist enterprises have fallen over the past year. So, it is
reasonably safe to say that the capitalists are no longer in a mood to make
concessions to working people. Far from it, they are using their control of the
state to extract huge concessions from the working class, as the autoworkers
can attest.
Is there a danger of revolution just
over the horizon which could scare the capitalists into making concessions, or
at least to force them to moderate their attacks on the working class? Once
again the answer is “No”. Neither does an alternate social system exist as a
viable threat to the capitalist system, nor are revolutionary movements
breaking out on a scale to threaten the control of the capitalists in one or
more countries. In fact, the final collapse of the Soviet Bloc coincided with
the adoption of neo-liberalism on a world scale.
Therefore, the only rational conclusion
is that there is no possibility of reform within the capitalist system in
Canada today. Therefore, postponing the organization of revolutionary
institutions in order to concentrate on “achievable” short-term reforms is
nothing short of delusional. Furthermore, it is counter-productive. First, it
diverts scarce resources from the most important task of re-establishing
revolutionary organizations capable of leading the inevitable future struggles
of the people. Second, the threat of revolution is the only condition which is
actually within the control of the working class and progressive forces. So,
even if “Plan A” is to force the capitalists to make concessions without revolutionary
change, it is not possible without actively pursuing “Plan B”, which is the
organization of revolutionary struggles.
Many people who consider themselves
socialists or communists appear to believe that revolutionary struggles break
out spontaneously. They seem to think that once conditions deteriorate to a
certain point the working class will spontaneously rise up to overthrow
capitalism. However, many examples could be given to prove that this is not the
case. No matter how bad conditions are at the present, there is always the
possibility that they could get worse and there is always a hope that they
might get better. So, unless a viable alternative exists for oppressed people
to rally around, they are not going to risk everything on revolution. This
means that the key task facing the progressive and revolutionary forces in
Canada is build the revolutionary alternative. This is not a matter of
education and proselytizing. It is, first and foremost, the establishment of
those organizations and institutions needed to lead the working class and
people in the building of a better world. With such organizations and
institutions revolution becomes a possibility once the various other conditions
develop; without them revolution will remain an impossibility and a distant
dream no matter how favourable those other conditions
may become.