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U.S. Imperialist Foreign Policy

Modern Communism continues its examination of U.S. imperialist activities around the world since the Second World War.

Bolivia

U.S. interference in Bolivia dates back to the end of the 19th century. From 1879-1883, while Chile, Peru and Bolivia were fighting for control of the rich resources of the Pacific coast, the Americans set themselves up as the peace broker. In the aftermath of that war Bolivia lost its outlet to the Pacific, becoming the only land-locked Andean country, and subsequently lost further territory to its more powerful neighbours in other conflicts. In all of these events, as well as Bolivia's petition to the League of Nations in 1921 to rectify wrongs committed against it by its neighbours, the U.S. furthered its own interests in the region by siding with more powerful countries. As a result, the Bolivian people developed a deep-seated distrust of the Americans.

After a half century with many different governments, in 1952 a revolutionary party, the MNR, seized control of the Bolivian government. It expropriated the mines, instituted land reform, giving land to former tenants and peasants, and introduced many other far-reaching economic and political reforms. After the Cuban Revolution, the Bolivian government, led by Victor Paz Estenssoro, opposed the Americans on several occasions. It voted against Cuba's expulsion from the Organization of American States (OAS) in 1962, refused to support OAS sanctions against Cuba in 1964, and resisted ongoing U.S. pressure to break diplomatic relations with Cuba.

The U.S. wanted to get rid of President Paz but were concerned that he would be replaced by former Vice-President Juan Lechin, the leader of the country's tin workers. These workers, considered potentially more radical than Paz and the MNR, were very strong and influential, controlled their own territory, operated their own radio station and armed militia, and were intensely opposed to the Bolivian military. In 1963, they led a four month strike, during which the Americans urged that the military be sent in to defeat the workers, and threatened that a U.S. financial program for the mines would be withdrawn if nothing was done.

The very existence of the Bolivian armed forces was due, in large part, to U.S. efforts to rebuild them following the 1952 uprising. In response to popular demands for a people's militia, the MNR government had reduced the power and influence of the military. However, because of fear of the strength of the people's militia and bowing to American pressure, Paz slowly allowed the Bolivian armed forces to be built up again over the next decade. Under U.S. guidance, the Bolivian army became the first in Latin America to launch a "civic action" program - building roads, schools and other infrastructure - designed to improve its image among the people.

Gradually, with the infusion of U.S. money, the army was professionalized. Officers were sent to the U.S. for training or to the School of the Americas in Panama. By 1964, most of the senior army officeres were American trained. The U.S. aim was to ensure that machinery was in place in the event of revolutionary uprising in Bolivia. As elsewhere in Latin America, a U.S. trained armed forces would prove to be America's strongest card.

In August 1964, Paz was replaced by Vice-President General Barrientos Ortuno, who had strong ties with the CIA. He introduced various measures against the tin miners and eventually sent in the army to crush their struggles. In one raid alone more than 70 workers were killed. With the help of the U.S. trained army, the revolution of 1952 was ended.

During this period several CIA operatives were included in the Bolivian cabinet. One of them later disclosed that the CIA had given $600,000 to Barrientos' election campaign. Gulf Oil also admitted that, at the urging of the CIA, it had given political contributions of $460,000 Barrientos and other top officials between 1966-1969. In 1967, the CIA captured Che Guevera in Bolivia; he was executed by the Bolivian government the day after his arrest.

Several different governments ruled Bolivia in the next few years, some of which upset the U.S. by nationalizing the tin mines, and making overtures to Cuba and the Soviet Union. So, with U.S. assistance, General Hugo Banzer (another U.S.-trained military leader) seized power in 1971. He immediately announced that Bolivia would maintain close ties with the U.S., abandon all overtures to Cuba and the Soviet Union, stop or reverse all nationalization and open the country to private foreign investment.

Over the next few years Banzer instituted a reign of terror in Bolivia, arresting thousands of people without trial, using torture and violating all human rights norms. When progressive clergy spoke out against these activities they too were censored, harassed and even killed. Banzer provided the CIA with information about American and other foreign progressive priests. With the backing of the U.S. State Department top officials in the Banzer regime were involved in drug production.

In 1980, Siles Zuazo was elected president at the head of a left-wing coalition. However, to prevent him from taking power the CIA worked actively with the extreme right and the drug barons to carry out a coup. Since that time Bolivia has remained politically and economically unstable. Next to Haiti, it ranks as the poorest country in the Americas. In 1997, Banzer was again elected president and, despite his well-known links with cocaine trafficking, he continues to enjoy implicit U.S. support.