Commentary

Canadian Political Crisis Continues

The House of Commons came to a virtual standstill last week as Conservative and Bloc Quebecois MPs refused to show up for either committee meetings or debate and question period in the House of Commons. This was the latest in a series of attempts by the opposition parties to bring down the Martin Liberal government.

According to Conservative leader Stephen Harper and Bloc Quebecois leader Gilles Duceppe, an election is necessary because the ongoing allegations being made at the Gomery Inquiry about the Liberal Party’s implication in corruption have robbed the government of its moral authority to govern. In the past two weeks, testimony at the inquiry has included tales of thousands of dollars being distributed to "volunteer" campaign workers, unreported election contributions and threats and intimidation.  Prime Minister Martin has pleaded for time and has pledged to call an election within 30 days of the release of the Gomery Inquiry report. While the Liberals have the support of NDP leader Jack Layton, it is widely expected that the government will fall in a confidence vote this week, meaning there will be a federal election before the end of June. 

Aside from the Bloc increasing its share of the seats in Quebec, the only certainty in the next election is that it will not resolve the country’s political crisis.  If current opinion polls are any indication, the next government will also be a minority government. This will further exacerbate the political crisis which has gripped the Canadian parliamentary system for more than a decade.

At the heart of this crisis is the credibility crisis of Canadian representative democracy which has proved to be neither representative nor democratic. By the late 1980s and early 1990s Canadians had made it clear that they were no longer satisfied being relegated to the role of voting cattle and wanted a meaningful role in the decision-making process. Both the Spicer Commission and the Beaudoin-Dobbie Commission identified, among other things, widespread dissatisfaction with Canada’s first-past-the-post electoral system, with the fact that the electoral system is controlled by political parties that represent less than two percent of the population and with the almost total lack of accountability of elected “representatives”. This deep discontent with the electoral system has led to a severe decline in voter participation in elections, especially amongst the youth. This trend, in turn, further undermines the credibility of the government.

Coupled with this credibility crisis is the crisis of the two-party system which has gripped Canada since the 1993 decimation of the post-Mulroney Conservative Party. This is a crisis within the monopoly capitalist ruling class itself and a reflection of the deep divisions which exist within that class. The Canadian system of political parties developed during a period in which British colonialism was losing its grip on Canada and the United States was making economic inroads into the country. The Conservative Party more or less stood for maintaining the colonial ties to Britain, while the Liberals stood for “continentalism” and greater integration into the American economy. However, the Canadian electorate has never supported greater integration into the American economy, so since the time of Laurier the Liberals have presented themselves as nationalists while governing as integrationists. Trudeau took advantage of the rise of Quebec nationalism to present himself as the greatest champion of Canadian unity and the only politician who could keep the “separatists” in check. He succeeded in creating a national coalition in opposition to Quebec sovereignty and this formed the basis for almost two decades of Liberal rule.

Meanwhile, the steady decline of the British Empire forced the Conservative Party to reinvent itself, especially after the Diefenbaker era. This eventually led to the emergence of Brian Mulroney who presented himself as the new champion of Canadian unity with the strategy of accommodating the sovereigntist section of the Quebec capitalist class into the Canadian ruling class. The Mulroney coalition included the upstart Alberta oil capitalists who were accumulating enormous profits from high oil prices and chafing under the domination of the Canadian economy by Ontario industrialists and finance capitalists. However, the failure first of the Meech Lake Accord and then of the Charlottetown Accord shattered Mulroney’s coalition and led to the decimation of the Conservative Party in 1993. The majority of Quebec Conservatives defected to form the Bloc Quebecois, while most Alberta Conservatives joined Preston Manning’s Reform Party, which was little more than the revamping of the old Social Credit Party which had been led for decades by Manning’s father. In the 1993 federal election, the country was balkanized, with the Reform Party dominating west of Manitoba, the liberals dominating Ontario and the Bloc Quebecois dominating in Quebec. No political party or individual emerged who could credibly lay claim to being the champion of Canadian unity (which is a euphemism for the domination of Canada by the predominately Ontario-based monopoly capitalist class).

The political system in Canada is based on the illusion of choice provided by a ruling party in power and an opposition party waiting in the wings to take over once the ruling party becomes discredited. However, in 1993 the opposition party was virtually destroyed and no party has yet emerged which is capable of playing that role. The new Conservative Party has no support in Quebec and faces extreme suspicion in Ontario. Therefore, it does not have the ability to become a ruling party. Meanwhile, the Liberal corruption crisis in Quebec, as well as the inability of the Liberals to make significant headway in the West, has also stripped the Liberal Party of the ability to form a majority government. So, the situation in Canada now is that there is neither a viable ruling party nor a viable opposition party. It does not appear that the monopoly capitalist ruling class has the ability to overcome this political crisis in the near future.

Whether the Liberals or Conservatives form the next government, it will be a short-lived government incapable of pushing a coherent agenda. Within this situation, opportunities may present themselves for the Canadian working class and people to push forward their own agenda for a sovereign and democratic Canada. However, to take advantage of these opportunities the Canadian people must reject all of the current parliamentary parties, as well as the notion that any one of them represents a lesser evil than the others.


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