U.S. Fails to Impose Agenda at OAS Summit

Something unusual happened in Fort Lauderdale last week.  At the Organization of American States’ (OAS) General Assembly, which brought together senior ministers from the 34 OAS member states from June 5 to 7, an American proposal to reform the organization’s charter was soundly rejected. 

This was the first OAS General Assembly held in the U.S. in 30 years, with the Americans stressing the important initiative they would present to OAS member-states for weeks leading up to the meeting. 

The U.S. draft proposal, entitled “Declaration of Florida: Delivering the Benefits of Democracy” was, according to U.S. Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice, necessary to strengthen democracies in the region.  Short on specifics while long on descriptions of the importance of democratic elections and the free-market economy, the draft also contained a proposal for the creation of an unspecified mechanism for the “application of the Inter-American Democratic Charter”. While both Rice and U.S. President Bush said this mechanism would allow the OAS to take “concrete measures” to assist “democracies in trouble”, it was clear that the majority of OAS members saw it as a means for further U.S. intervention in their internal affairs.  The American proposal was rejected by 28 countries and a quickly cobbled-together and slightly watered down Chilean proposal was also rejected. (Canada accepted the U.S. proposal in principle but also helped draft the Chilean counter-proposal).  The countries which opposed the proposal stated quite clearly that the document was too interventionist and threatened the sovereignty of member states.

The rejection of the proposal was unusual because the establishment of the OAS was led by the Americans in 1948 primarily as means to ensure their dominance in the Americas. To date that is the role the organization has played.  The U.S. also established the OAS as a means to crush strong revolutionary movements within many of the countries of the Americas, and through the organization has provided tacit approval to over a dozen military and fascist dictatorships. 

While the OAS founding charter officially enshrines principles of democracy and non-intervention, members have always understood that both these principles were subject to U.S. approval.  So, for example, members allowed the U.S. to have Cuba ejected from the OAS following the success of the Cuban revolution for the so-called anti-democratic nature of the Cuban people’s revolutionary government.  For decades afterwards, the OAS turned a blind eye as the U.S. government tried repeatedly to overthrow the Cuban government or assassinate Fidel Castro, while welcoming the likes of Pinochet, Noriega, Somoza, Batista and others to address meetings of the OAS General Assembly.

For 57 years, the organization has served as a virtual rubber stamp for U.S. imperialist foreign policy, a rubber stamp which the U.S. so takes for granted that it has not even seen the need to host a General Assembly meeting since 1974. 

Bush, apparently without irony, noted in his speech to the Assembly that in 1974, fewer than half the OAS members had democratically elected governments  - without exception, these dictatorships were backed financially and militarily by the U.S. 

“The dramatic gains for democracy we have witnessed in our hemisphere must not be taken for granted,” Bush said, urging OAS members to accept the American proposal.  “In the new Americas of the 21st century, bringing a better life to our people requires choosing between two competing visions. One offers a vision of hope. It is founded on representative government, integration into the world markets, and a faith in the transformative power of freedom in individual lives.”

In an apparent reference to progressive governments elected in Venezuela, Argentina and Uruguay, Bush said that the other vision “seeks to roll back the democratic progress of the past two decades by playing to fear, pitting neighbour against neighbour and blaming others for their own failures to provide for their people.”

Bush and Rice were visibly shocked, both by the rejection of the U.S. proposal and the open way in which OAS representatives condemned it. 

Brazilian Foreign Minister Celso Amorim said that “cooperation and dialogue, rather than interventionist mechanisms, should be the key concepts,” governing any application of the Democratic Charter in OAS member-states, while a spokesperson for Mexican President Vicente Fox told reporters “When it comes to democracy, in principle we are not in agreement with any tutelage from anybody.”

Venezuela's Foreign Minister Alí Rodriguez said the founding charter of the OAS is “extremely clear with respect to non-intervention in the internal affairs of member-states, the right to elect governments without external interference.”  The American proposal, he said, was an attempt by the Americans to justify their attempts to overthrow the democratically elected Chavez government in Venezuela.  “The OAS does not have the power to evaluate the state of democracy in the region’s countries," Rodriguez said, adding “democracy can thrive in many ways as long as those forms honour universal principles such as freedom of speech and respect for human rights."

There was also strong opposition to the American proposal from the CARICOM countries, who pointed to the U.S. removal of the elected Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide as an example of the kind of ‘democratic intervention’ they felt the American proposal would endorse.  Discussions on the American proposal concluded with a resolution for CARICOM members, working with representatives from Venezuela, Argentina, Brazil and Surinam, to draft an alternative proposal on strengthening democracy in the Americas for presentation to the next OAS General Assembly.


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