The Elections in Egypt and the U.S. "Democracy Initiative"

The month-long election to Egypt's legislature has concluded with the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP), led by President Hosni Mubarak, retaining its firm control of the People's Assembly. The NDP and allied independents secured 324 seats in the 454-member parliament, thereby giving Mubarak and the NDP the two-thirds majority required to amend the constitution and to pass emergency laws. The Muslim Brotherhood, which is not a legal political party and has been banned in Egypt by law since 1954, ran 150 candidates as independents and gained 88 seats, thus reaffirming its role as the de facto largest opposition group in the country.

Although the election results will not directly weaken the power of Mubarak or the NDP, the composition of the People's Assembly is changed considerably from the 2000 election. In the outgoing People's Assembly the NDP held 404 seats while the Muslim Brotherhood had only 15. If it had not been for government and police interference at the polling stations that resulted in 11 deaths, as well as mass arrests of their supporters, the Muslim Brotherhood might have elected even more candidates. In fact, 12 seats are to be decided later because the courts cancelled election results due to violence or controversy. Furthermore, the Muslim Brotherhood, either by prior agreement with the government or  to avoid a direct challenge to the government's control of parliament , only fielded 150 candidates, just under one-third of the total seats in the parliament. The 15 legal opposition parties only gained 14 seats between them while another six seats went to other independents.

The overall participation rate in the election was 25 percent of the registered voters, but many eligible voters were not registered. However, the election attracted attention from around the world. This is partly due to the fact that Egypt is by far the most populous of all Arab countries with 77 million people and the second most populous country on the African continent.  Any major political change in Egypt will reverberate throughout the Middle East and North Africa and beyond the region. Therefore, the United States, the  dominant foreign power in this region, as well as the peoples and governments in Israel and in the surrounding Arab countries, have an interest at all times in what happens in Egypt.

But the election had a significance beyond a general interest in Egyptian political affairs. It was the first general election since the U.S.-British invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq as well as the U.S.-led "war against terror" and since the United States launched its programme to promote Middle East democracy. Also, the election was held within the framework of some limited reforms to the electoral process by the Egyptian government. Therefore, the election was a measure of the credibility of the Mubarak regime and its reforms, of the U.S. role in the region and the pro-U.S. opposition parties, and of the Muslim Brotherhood. In a broader sense the election was looked upon as a measure of the desire of the working class and people of Egypt to bring about fundamental changes in favour of democratic rights, for economic well-being, and for an end to foreign imperialist interference.

Hosni Mubarak has ruled Egypt without interruption since the assassination of his predecessor, Anwar Sadat, in 1981. The assassination was attributed to Islamic fundamentalists who were opposed to the peace agreement engineered by the United States between Egypt and Israel and signed by Sadat. The Egyptian government responded with a state of emergency and for the past 24 years Mubarak has ruled the country through emergency laws. Thus, even though Egypt has a constitution and a parliament, they are mostly for window-dressing. The constitution gives the president control over the parliament, political parties and electoral process, and it gives the ruling party control over who can run as candidates for president and for parliament. It has been a completely closed system that has guaranteed that the president and ruling party would be re-elected in perpetuity and could enact changes to the constitution and promulgate emergency laws. In addition, the government has continuously strengthened the Islamic religious establishment as an instrument for social and cultural control and to counteract its religious opponents who have a political agenda against the regime and its policies. The United States has fully supported the Mubarak regime for all of these years. In fact, the United States considers Egypt a very important military and strategic partner in the region. U.S. military aid to Egypt totals over US$1.3 billion annually, and is only surpassed by U.S. military aid to Israel.

The U.S.-British aggression against Iraq in 2003 and the events leading up to that aggression, combined with Mubarak's pronouncements blaming the Iraqi government for bringing this aggression upon itself, provoked the largest public demonstrations  in Egypt since the 1970s. The Egyptian government responded by violently suppressing the demonstrations which had the effect of  deepening the resentment of the Egyptian people towards the repressive regime and the United States. This led to a resurgence of  demands by the Egyptian people for political reform and the end to U.S. interference in their internal affairs. Similar events unfolded in other Arab countries. This struggle of the people for democratic rights, for economic well-being, and for the end of foreign imperialist interference in their countries has created a crisis for the reactionary rulers and the United States. This political crisis in Egypt has also been exacerbated by an economic crisis.

While there is no immediate danger that the Egyptian government will be overthrown by the organized opposition forces, the regime has a narrow base of support among the population. The Egyptian government recognizes that there is a long term danger  that Egypt, as well as other Arab countries, will become so polarized that people will organize themselves for the revolutionary overthrow of the reactionary rulers and their U.S. backers as occurred in Iran under the fascist regime of Shah Pahlavi. Thus, Mubarak is under pressure to expand the base of support of his regime by enacting some economic and political reforms.

In this context, since 2003 the Egyptian government has taken several initiatives to diffuse and split the opposition. One of these is the establishment of a National Council on Human Rights (NCHR). The NCHR is the brainchild of the NDP's "Policies Secretariat"  headed by the president's son Gamal. It is state-funded and its 27 members are appointed by parliament. It has no power to draw up any legislation and no legal redress to back up requests for co-operation from government agencies or for the prosecution of cases of human rights violations. The members of the council are a "who's who" of Egyptian politics. The chairman of the council is former UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali. In response to criticism that the council is a method for the government to co-opt the opposition, Boutros-Ghali responded that "There is not a single representative of the government on the council." Yet, in its first 15 months, even as the authorities conducted indiscriminate roundups of Islamists in the northern Sinai and even as press reports fingered Egypt as a prisoner depository for the CIA's policy of "rendition", the NCHR remained silent.

In terms of economic and political reforms, at the national conference of the NDP held in September 2004, the Mubarak government revived its "economics first" mantra of the 1990s and announced that it would proceed with a privatization program, slash tariffs and taxes, and reform the banking system. This neo-liberal agenda of expanding the private sector, shrinking the role of the state, and attracting foreign investment is aimed at winning over a section of the economic elite in Egypt. The conference also announced that the government would enact amendments to the political party law, the election law and the professional syndicates law in order to broaden political participation and civic freedoms, and to strengthen political parties and non-government organizations in a process that is "evolutionary, not revolutionary".

In February 2005, Mubark amended the constitution to allow, for the first time in Egypt's history, competitive, multi-candidate presidential elections. The amendment was drafted by parliament and approved by public referendum in late May 2005. The results were predictable. The political parties that were allowed to field presidential candidates were carefully selected by Mubarak and the NDP while organizations with mass support, like the Muslim Brotherhood, were denied the right to field candidates. (The Egyptian constitution formally prohibits political parties based on religious identity.)  As a result, in September 2005, Mubarak was re-elected with 88 percent of the vote, according to the official results.

The political reforms enacted by the Egyptian government fall far short of the demands of the opposition. One of the two main opposition coalitions is the Alliance of National Forces for Reform, comprised of the four main legal opposition parties - the Wafd Party, the National Progressive Unionist Party,  the Arab Nasserist Party, and the Islamist Labour Party. It is calling for an end to the emergency law,  a constitutional amendment to allow direct election of the president from among competing candidates, a limit of two five-year presidential terms, the guarantee of free elections under judicial supervision, greater freedom to establish political parties, loosening of government controls over unions, professional syndicates and civil society groups, and an end to the ruling party's dominance of state media.  A second opposition coalition calling itself the March 20th Movement for Change (in reference to the date of large protests held in Cairo against the 2003 U.S.-led invasion of Iraq) is made up of civil society groups such as the Hisham Mubarak Law Center, banned organizations like the Muslim Brotherhood and the Communist Party, and independent intellectuals.

The Muslim Brotherhood launched its own reform initiative in March 2004. It is calling for freedom of individuals to engage in political affairs, free and fair elections, freedom of religion, freedom to form political parties, convene mass meetings, and assemble in peaceful demonstrations, an independent judiciary with the right to modify laws in order to conform to Islamic jurisprudence, an end to army intervention in political life, limits on the scope of the president's authority by prohibiting the president from heading any political party or assuming any executive responsibility, an end to the so-called "ill-reputed laws" which include emergency laws, press laws and other regulations that restrict freedom, the revisiting of previous verdicts issued by military and judicial courts, and  modification of all existing laws and regulations in a manner that conforms to Islamic Sharia Law.

The pressure for reform is also coming from outside of Egypt, led by the United States. The only way for the U.S. to maintain its economic, political and military domination of the Middle East is by having pro-U.S. regimes in power. Therefore, the United States is taking measures to cover all eventualities. It is pressuring these regimes to enact reforms that broaden their base of support, and it is grooming its own pro-U.S. opposition forces in these countries, through the organization and funding of "non-government organizations" (NGOs)  and "civil society organizations" (CSOs).  These act both as a pressure on these regimes to enact reforms and as a potential replacement for these regimes. At all costs the United States does not want any genuinely democratic and anti-imperialist forces to take power in these countries.

The promotion of so-called democracy and reform by the United States is a tool for furthering U.S. interests in this region, as it is everywhere else. The United States Institute of Peace, established by the U.S. Congress in 1984 with a board of directors  appointed by the President of the United States, published a special report in May 2005 entitled "Promoting Middle East Democracy".  It stated: "The 9/11 attacks and subsequent terrorist operations...shattered the conventional wisdom that the region's stability -- anchored by its authoritarian  governments -- could endure indefinitely and would come at little cost to U.S. interests. Precisely the opposite conclusion has become apparent: Middle East reform is critical for long-term stability and regional security. Absent change, the status quo will only breed greater popular disaffection and provide fertile ground for the continued growth of extremism."   U.S. Secretary of State Condeleeza Rice expressed the same view in a speech at the American University in Cairo on June 20, 2005. She stated: "For 60 years, my country, the United States, pursued stability at the expense of democracy in this region here in the Middle East - and we achieved neither. Now, we are taking a different course. We are supporting the democratic aspirations of all people."

Two of the main initiatives taken by the United States along these lines are its "Middle East Partnership Initiative" unveiled in December 2002, and the U.S. inspired G-8 plan "Broader Middle East and North Africa Initiative" unveiled in June 2004. These initiatives have an economic, political, educational, and social component that specifically targets the business community, professionals, youth and students, women and human rights activists. In addition, the U.S. House of Representatives has recently passed  a bill called "The Advance of Democracy Act of 2005" which is pending approval in the U.S. Senate. The bill will result in some structural and programmatic changes within the State Department to facilitate "democracy promotion" in the Middle East and other countries.

These U.S. "democracy initiatives" have been met with skepticism in Egypt and elsewhere. The United States has no credibility as a defender of democracy in the Arab world. Besides supporting the reactionary regimes in the region, it continues to support Israeli genocidal policies towards the Palestinian people. Since 2001 it has invaded and occupied Afghanistan and Iraq. It continues to threaten countries like Iran and Syria that refuse to go along with U.S. policies in the Middle East. Moreover, it violates the most elementary human rights as seen by its treatment of prisoners at Abu Ghraib, Guantanamo and elsewhere. Even though the current U.S. administration has declared a change of heart, it continues to support the Egyptian government's ban on the Muslim Brotherhood and has exerted little public pressure on Cairo over the arrest of Islamists during the recent elections.

The situation for the United States in the Arab world is very different than it was for the United States in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe in the 1980s. In the Arab world there is popular support for changing the government, but there is no support for replacing one pro-U.S. regime with another one. Thus, any opposition groups that openly embrace the United States run the risk of losing credibility in the eyes of the working class and enlightened people in Egypt and other Arab countries. Moreover, the United States does not trust the "Islamic" opposition forces. It has been trying to foster "secular" opposition forces to contain the "Islamic" opposition. But this policy suffered a setback in the Egyptian election. Ayman Nour, the leader of the "Tomorrow Party", who was President Mubark's main opponent in the presidential election and was most favoured among the opposition leaders by the Bush administration, lost his parliamentary seat in this election. This may force the U.S. to revisit its attitude towards the Islamic opposition forces and seek some kind of accommodation with them.

In addition, it is not smooth sailing for the U.S. with respect to the reactionary rulers in the Arab countries, who are also suspicious of U.S. intentions. They are justifiably concerned that the "pro-democracy" groups created and funded by the United States will be used to overthrow their regimes, as they have been used by the Americans to organize the "colour revolutions" in Georgia, Ukraine and elsewhere. On this score, the Arab governments and the opposition parties share the same concern about foreign funding and support for NGOs and CSOs.

Aside from the poor showing of the "secular" opposition parties in the Egyptian elections, the U.S. "democracy initiative" in the Middle East also suffered a setback when the Egyptian government rebuffed U.S. plans at the "Forum for the Future" meeting held in Manama, Bahrain on November 11-12, 2005. The forum was attended by 22 states of the Broader Middle East and North Africa (BMENA) region,  the Group of Eight (G-8) countries, and other "partners" like the Asian Development Bank, International Finance Corporation, International Monetary Fund, and World Bank. The declared objective of the forum was to "promote and develop political, economic, and social reform in the region" and to "serve as a venue for regional businesses and civil society groups to express their goals and ideas for reforms to their governments". Parallel "civil society" and "business dialogue" groups were also invited to make presentations.

At the forum, U.S. Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice announced the establishment of the "Foundation for the Future" and the "Fund for the Future".  The declared purpose of the "foundation" is to "allow indigenous reformers to draw upon their ideas and their ideals to nurture grass roots organizations that support the development of democracy through grants to help build civil society, strengthen the rule of law and ensure greater opportunity for health and education." The foundation has commitments of over US$50 million of which the United States has pledged US$35 million. The declared purpose of  the "fund", a joint venture between governments and the private sector, is to help businesses in the region, especially small and medium-sized enterprises, to gain access to the capital they need. This fund has commitments of over US$100 million of which the United States has pledged US$50 million.

The conference's final declaration would have bound countries in the Middle East and North Africa to "expand democratic practices, to enlarge participation in political and public life, to foster the roles of civil society, including NGOs, and to widen women's participation in the political, economic, social, cultural and education fields and to reinforce their rights and status in society while understanding that each country is unique". Egyptian officials wanted to add language stipulating that only NGOs legally registered with their governments were covered by the declaration. Although Saudi Arabia and Oman initially supported Egypt, in the end all governments except Egypt agreed to take out language that would have given them control over foreign resources going to groups in their countries. The United States told the Egyptian delegation that the addition was inappropriate and would circumscribe NGO activity. But the U.S. was unable to get Egypt to budge from its position, and Egypt's Foreign Minister left before the conference broke up, forcing the forum to conclude without a final declaration.

The Egyptian election and the U.S. "democracy initiative" once again highlight the struggle that is taking place all over the world on the question of democracy. On the one hand, the democratization that the Bush administration and Mubarak want for the countries of the Middle East and North Africa is the same arrangement that exists today but with some cosmetic changes. It  is a false democracy that will perpetuate the situation where the vast majority of the people are marginalized, disenfranchised, and powerless to change their conditions. On the other hand, the working class and people need real democracy in their countries in which they have the political power in their hands to tackle the problems of the economy, democratic rights, the environment, peace and security, and national sovereignty.


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