Editorial
The
Soaring Canadian Dollar – A Reflection of Growing Contradictions Within the Capitalist Class
Over
the past two years the Canadian dollar has risen in value from less than US$0.66
to over US$1.05 today. Canada’s economy has always been export-oriented and
successive Canadian governments have actively pursued low exchange rates in
relation to the U.S. dollar in order to encourage exports. A low Canadian
dollar has played a key role in the relative strength of the Canadian economy
during the past 15 years or so.
However,
now the Harper Conservatives have not only abandoned the cheap dollar policies
of past governments, they are also bragging that the Canadian dollar is now a
“petro-dollar” and are hailing the current high
exchange rate as a sign of the strength of the Canadian economy. In fact, the
high exchange rate is wreaking havoc on the manufacturing sector and is largely
responsible for the disappearance of over 100,000 manufacturing jobs per year
in Ontario alone during the past few years. If this trend continues, Canada
could join most of the other “petro-dollar” countries that are largely
de-industrialized and socially polarized.
Two
factors are contributing to the sharp rise in the Canadian dollar. The first is
the almost equally sharp drop in the U.S. dollar. This is a reflection of the
increasing parasitism and militarization of the American economy. The U.S. has
the world’s largest trade deficit, which results in the devaluation of its
currency. The U.S. government is also running huge budgetary deficits in order
to finance its wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, which puts even more downward
pressure on its currency. As a result, all of the world’s main currencies have
been rising relative to the U.S. dollar over that past several years.
The
second factor contributing to the rise of the Canadian dollar is the increasing
demand for mineral and energy resources. This has been coming primarily from
China and India, both of which have booming manufacturing economies. The
demand, especially for metals, outstrips the supply by such a large margin that
there is a continuing market for Canadian resources despite the rise in the
dollar’s value.
While
the demand for energy resources, especially oil, is being driven partly by the
economic booms in China and India, the price of oil is also being significantly
affected by the U.S. imperialist adventures in the Middle East. Not only has
the U.S. occupation of Iraq greatly reduced the flow of oil from the world’s
second biggest oil exporting country, but the American military itself consumes
more petroleum product than many entire countries. Furthermore, that
consumption of energy contributes nothing of economic value. It neither
sustains human life nor helps to reproduce capital; in fact it is being used to
destroy both.
However,
the U.S. military’s insatiable appetite for energy, the increased demand from
China and India and the dropping value of the U.S. dollar have driven oil
prices above U.S.$90 per barrel. Since Canada is the leading exporter of energy
to the U.S., the high price of oil and other sources of energy have exacerbated
the U.S. trade deficit with Canada and further strengthened the value of the
Canadian dollar relative to the American dollar.
In
these circumstances the soaring Canadian dollar is clearly not a reflection of
the fundamental strength of the Canadian economy, but rather of the fundamental
weakness of the American economy. Since Canada has an export-oriented economy
and the vast majority of its exports are to the U.S. market, the Canadian
economy is really no healthier than the American economy. Furthermore, the
distortions of the Canadian economy resulting from the high price of oil and
the rising Canadian dollar are actually undermining the long-term economic and
political stability of the country.
Historically
Canada’s economy has been based on resource extraction, with manufacturing
being concentrated in Southern Ontario and parts of Quebec. Canadian finance
capital emerged primarily on the basis of the merger of the banking and
manufacturing sectors; and that manufacturing base allowed the finance
capitalists to extract tribute from every other sector of the economy,
especially agriculture and resource extraction.
However,
the discovery of oil in Alberta after the Second World War and the subsequent
flood of American capital into the province created another pole of finance
capital in the West. Until recently that section of finance capital has been
much weaker than the section based in Toronto and Montreal. Trudeau’s 1980
National Energy Policy was designed to perpetuate that situation. While that
program was eventually scrapped, the cheap dollar policies of subsequent
federal governments sought to increase the profits of the Ontario finance
capitalists at the expense of other sections of finance capital.
Politically,
the growing economic power of the oil capitalists, primarily in Alberta, was
the main factor in the rise of the Reform Party and the ushering in of a period
of political disequilibrium in Canada. An arrangement between the oil
monopolies and a section of Ontario finance capital, in turn, led to the
takeover of the Progressive Conservative Party by the Reform Party and the
reinvention of the Conservative Party under the leadership of Stephen Harper.
Thus,
it should come as no surprise that Harper’s government has abandoned the cheap
dollar policies of previous governments and appears unconcerned about the
hemorrhaging of the manufacturing sector in Southern Ontario. He was elected to
facilitate the domination of the entire Canadian economy by the section of
finance capital is based on oil and that is precisely what he is doing. In that
sense, the soaring Canadian dollar is a weapon in the hands of the oil
monopolies to weaken their rivals in the East and to ensure their domination of
the Canadian economy.
If
the high dollar persists for a lengthy period of time, it is possible that a
new political equilibrium will emerge in Canada based on the Alberta finance
capitalists exacting tribute from the greatly weakened Eastern capitalists. A
Conservative majority in the next federal election would be a signal that
political power has shifted to the oil monopolies and that the section of
finance capital based in Quebec has shifted its allegiance away from Bay Street
and towards the oil monopolies. However, it is too early to tell which section
of finance capital will come out on top. A drop in the price of oil or the
value of the Canadian dollar could tilt the equation back in favour of the
Ontario finance capitalists.
For
their part, the Ontario-based finance capitalists are attempting to line up the
entire working class behind their self-preservation. They are doing this in two
main ways. First, in order to line up progressive sentiment behind their aims
they are warning Canadians that a majority Conservative government will bring
in social policies based on narrow religious precepts and anti-social,
anti-worker values. Second, they are forging strong relationships with various
trade unions in order to ensure that the working class remains passive and
meekly accepts concessions designed to maximize the profits of the
manufacturing capitalists. Greater profits will translate into greater
political power.
But
the oil monopolies are also courting the Canadian working class, promising jobs
and prosperity for workers willing to pull up roots and move to Alberta.
However, these promises ring hollow when workers see their high wages eaten up
by even higher costs for housing, food and various user fees. There is also the
constant fear that a drop in oil prices will leave them stuck with mortgages
they cannot afford, as has happened in Alberta in the past.
In
these circumstances maximum confusion is being created, both in terms of the
causes and effects of the rising Canadian dollar and in terms of what
constitutes the alternative for the Canadian working class. By divorcing
politics from the economy, an illusion is created that one or another party of
the finance capitalists is more “progressive” and “pro-worker” than another.
However, history proves that regardless of which political party forms the
government in Canada it is the interests of the finance capitalists to maximize
their profits that are served while the workers are forced to tighten their
belts.
Regardless
of how often the working class is cajoled to “Stop Harper” by electing the
Liberals, the fact remains that if present economic trends of high oil prices
and a high dollar continue the Conservatives will eventually form a majority
government. If economic trends reverse, then the Liberals, under Dion or Ignatieff
or someone else, may form a majority government and all of the Conservatives’
anti-social, anti-worker policies will be implemented by the Liberals. In
particular, the process of deepening integration with the U.S., a process
pursued by every federal and provincial government for the past 20 years, will
continue unabated.
Lining
up behind the Liberals and the section of finance capital that they represent
against the Conservatives and the section of finance capital that they
represent will not solve any of the problems facing the Canadian working class
and people. This kind of politics paralyzes the working class and blocks the
path for any solutions. The first step in solving the economic, social and
environmental problems confronting Canada is to reject all of the bourgeois
political parties and the capitalists who control them. Only the working class
can save Canada and it can do so only if it takes up its own political agenda
and builds its own, independent political institutions.